This is all because, in the words of Mr. Browder, Allied victory in the war will mean “not only prolonged world peace without precedent in history, but also the flourishing of economic relationships, co-operation and development of economic well-being and social reforms . . .” (Daily Worker, January 12, 1944).
An important point to notice is that this new line is not a merely war-time measure: “We are now extending the perspective of national unity for many years into the future. It is no longer an ‘emergency situation’ but is merging into a ‘normal situation ‘ ” (Browder, Daily Worker, January 14).
About the agreement by Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt at Teheran to “work together in war and in the peace that will follow,” Browder makes the remark that “Capitalism and’ Socialism have begun to find the way to peaceful co-existence and collaboration in the same world.” Those whose memories carry them back four years to the period of the Stalin—Hitler pact of 1939 will recall that this is just the line Communist propaganda was then taking about the friendly co-existence of Bolshevist Russia and Nazi Germany! When that period ended in 1941 the American and British Communist parties dropped their peace slogans and the theories on which those slogans rested, and were ordered into line with the foreign policy of Roosevelt and Churchill. The new turn means that they are now falling into line in home affairs as well.
To see the matter in perspective, let us turn back the last Presidential election in 1940, to see what Browder had to say then about Roosevelt and Willkie and the two parties they represent.
At that time the Communists were opposed to the war. They denounced it as an Anglo-American plot “to make the world safe for Wall Street and the City ” (Daily, Worker, November 30, 1940) The American Party was praised on the ground that “alone of all the political parties, the C.P. of the U.S.A. has exposed the imperialist character of the war and has warned against both Roosevelt and Willkie ” (Daily Worker, October 28, 1940).
In a speech reported in the Daily Worker on October 11, 1940, Mr. Browder declared that Roosevelt and Willkie, though they were rival candidates, had the same foreign policy (based on that of Great Britain), the policy of encouraging Hitler, pushing Germany into war with Russia so that Russia would be destroyed, and at the same time Germany would be so weakened as to remove her as a threat to Britain. “Only the Communist Party,” he said, ” has proposed and consistently fought for a foreign policy for our country which could replace the disastrous policy now being followed.”
So much for foreign policy—now for his earlier views about the home policies of the Republicans and Democrats. In 1940 Mr. Browder, himself a Presidential candidate opposing Roosevelt and Willkie, issued a statement explaining just what part the two parties play in making America safe for capitalism, and denouncing the traditional two-party system which the Communists have now decided to accept.
The 1940 conventions of the Republican and Democratic Parties restored once more the traditional “two-party system” by which Wall Street (finance, capital and the great monopolists, the “sixty families,” the ” economic royalists”), controlling both major parties, invites the masses to choose the label under which they shall be exploited and oppressed for the ensuing four years. For the masses of the American people there is no way to advance their interests through either Republican or Democratic Party.” (Daily Worker, October 28, 1940.)
On November 4, 1940, the Daily Worker, alleging that at the previous election in 1936 “Roosevelt himself was hoping that the New Deal would bring him Communist votes,” went on :—
But to-day neither Roosevelt nor Willkie will get Communist votes; their policy “of crushing civil liberties, planning a huge arms programme, and drawing nearer to participation in the war is too obviously directed against the liberties of the people.
Just at that time the American Communist Party was compelled, through the restrictive
Voorhis Act, to resign from the Communist International, but while doing so it “reaffirmed the adherence of the Party to the policy of working-class internationalism” (
Daily Worker, November 20,1940). Now, with the Communist International destroyed on Moscow orders the American Communists are going to back the two parties of capitalism, controlled as they are by Wall Street and big business, and thus join in the game of inviting the workers “to choose the label under which they shall be exploited and oppressed for the ensuing four years.”
Some of the possible reasons for the decision can readily be guessed. Their failure to make any headway in elections may have been one factor; in 1932 they polled 103,000 in the Presidential election, but in 1940 their candidate polled only 46,000 votes. More important, however, will be the desire to follow a line suitable to the present foreign policy of the Russian Government. It is obvious that the Russian Government during the past year has been concerned to make itself popular in U.S.A. and Britain, and to avoid doing anything that would strengthen the hands of political groups opposed to the Russian alliance—hence the efforts of Russia’s supporters to secure wide publicity for the new recognition of religion and the disbandment of the Communist International. The Manchester Guardian (January 12, 1944) considers that the winding up of the American party is another step which “will make for better feeling towards Russia.”
Fully to understand the complete change of policy since 1940, it has to be remembered that at that time, when the Communists were opposed to the war and opposed to Willkie and Roosevelt, they (and doubtless their inspirers in Moscow) had a very different opinion about the way world affairs were going from the one forced on them in June 1941 when Germany invaded Russia. Mr. Browder, in October 1940, thought that the foreign policy he ascribed to Britain and America had failed, and that Russia would be able to keep out of the war because “the Soviet Union had grown too strong and too consolidated to offer a tempting field for military adventures for a Hitler, who likes to have his victories assured before he goes into action.” (Daily Worker, October 11, 1940).
Events were soon to prove Browder wrong. Russia was not strong enough to stand alone, without American and British help. Mutual dependence of the three Powers called for a revised Communist Party policy. Subsequent changes, including the present attempt of the American Party to operate alongside Democrats and Republicans, have been in harmony with the position of the Russian Government internally and in its foreign relationships. That, and not the incredible belief in a new world of peace, progress and class harmony which Mr. Browder professes to cherish, is likely to be the real reason why his party has been called upon to make itself a laughing stock by repudiating the fundamental creed on which it was founded. Whether it will establish any sort of stability on the new basis, and whether further developments of Russian policy will lead to still further changes, are two questions time will answer.
We may speculate whether the British Party will follow the American example. The Manchester Guardian points out (January 12):—
The arguments for it are much the same. Before the Communist International died the maxim of the Communist parties of the world was, of course, “When father says Turn, we all turn.” Will our British Communists, like the Americans, prepare to lie down gracefully?
Maybe this time, however, the American and British Communists will turn in different directions, if we may judge by the editorial comment on the American changes published by the Daily Worker on January 13, 1944. The editorial argues that it is a mistake to interpret the American political system in terms of our own because in U.S.A “there is no Labour Party or organised political Labour movement.” The main task in America to-day and in the immediate post-war period, says the Daily Worker, ” is not the transformation of the social system but the rallying of all progressive forces in order to prevent reaction from turning that mighty country from the path of Teheran.” The editorial goes on to give fulsome praise to Roosevelt’s New Year speech, which, it says, calls America to a “noble fulfilment” of its destiny. The Daily Worker finds that both the Republican and Democratic parties “include reactionary and progressive elements,” yet it plumps for supporting Roosevelt, leader of the Democrats. In view of Browder’s 1940 statement that there is nothing to choose between the two parties, this distinction between Tweedledum and Tweedledee is not convincing. Nor is the Daily Worker’s argument that things are different in this country because we have a Labour Party. In 1929 (see “Class Against Class”), and for several years afterwards, the Communist Party habitually referred to the Labour Party as the “third capitalist party.”
It remains to be seen therefore what new line the British Communists may be required to take—and what peculiar justification they will, in that event, discover for taking it.
To enlighten them in their task of seeking to justify their own and the American Communists’ policy of supporting capitalist parties in the name of national unity, we bring to their notice the following passage from “Class Against Class,” the General Election Programme of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1929:—
“Three parties—Tory, Liberal and Labour—appeal to you in the name of the ” nation.” . . . . No party can serve two masters. No party can serve the “nation” so long as the nation is divided into two warring classes—one which owns the wealth and one which produces the wealth and does not own it. No party can serve the robbers and the robbed at the same time.”
Edgar Hardcastle
