jondwhite
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All popular software gets forked and diaspora must have the same vulnerability even if it breaks compatibility, there would come a point of one nodes popularity where it would be worth breaking compatibility.
Hear, hear.Some of the most important features of summer school for attracting numbers, aren't yet features of summer schoolIt should be in a university.It should be in London.
Dear oh dear. Going into a party full of praise then bloc-voting as another party. Not so much divided loyalties as ulterior loyalties. Tut tut. Wonder how many groups are bloc voting clandestinely or secretly caucusing beforehand.
Some of the key figures includeHarry Quelchhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_QuelchBelfort Baxhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernest_Belfort_BaxThe key Welsh figure could be Sam Mainwaringhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sam_MainwaringJack Fitzgeraldhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_FitzgeraldE. J. B. Allenhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/E._J._B._Allen
I think the flaw is one central server becoming popular then modifying it to become incompatible with other accounts not held on that server.
gnome wrote:Apparently, Grand Central Terminal in New York has 44 platforms; even good old Waterloo has 19….haha
To be a stickler, and just to point out generally – 'socialist platform' is only a part of 'left unity' party. It includes at least two other platforms, the 'left party' platform and the 'class struggle' platform.http://leftunity.org/comparing-the-platforms/
Where publications solicit material, by all means, SPGB material should be shared. However, I'd go for more narrower audiences.Here are some blogs looking for contenthttp://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=10171http://links.org.au/and a group keen to host debates who have expressed some interest in the SPGBhttp://platypus1917.org/
From the ICC article
Quote:John Crump left the SPGB in the 1970s, criticising the party’s parliamentary conception of revolution and arguing – as we shall see – that the SPGB was by no means the only authentically socialist organisation in the world, in opposition to the ‘hostility clause’ contained in its 1904 state- ment of principles1. Despite these criticisms, rela- tions between Crump and the SPGB seem to have remained fraternal until his death in 2005, and it would also seem that one of the reasons why the Socialist Studies group split from the party (or as it sees it ‘reconstituted the SPGB’) in 1991 was the influence of Crump’s efforts to push the SPGB in certain untraditional directions.From the Socialist Studies website
Quote:Under Defence of the Realm Acts in World War One (and similar legislation in World War Two) the following drastic curtailments were made, quite legally.(a) General Elections were suspended, and none took place between 1910 and 1918 and between 1935 and 1945.(b) All the restrictions referred to in paragraph three were applied legally.(c) All or most strikers were liable to prosecution(d) Numerous new offences were created, including such vague offences as "spreading alarm and despondency".(e) Particular examples of actions by various organisations held to be offences were: -circulating the Sermon on the Mount as a leaflet, and urging workers to engage in strikes.Under the 1918 Representation of the People Act thousands of conscientious objectors, including Party members, were disenfranchised for five years.It is just as easy for the authorities to declare a state of emergency in peace-time as in war-time, with power to impose similar restrictions, as during the General Strikes.The reason the Party suspended all outdoor meetings in World War One was not only the near impossibility of escaping prosecution under the legal offence of "spreading alarm and despondency" but also the actions of the Courts in backing up illegal prosecutions. When mobs broke up legal meetings (often incited by newspapers) the police would ignore the action of the mob and charge the speakers with "breach of the peace" and the Courts upheld the police.It should be noted that the trade unions, because of their backing, were in a somewhat different position.While the socialist movement has little backing among the workers there is little to do but accept or seek to evade restrictions imposed by the authorities. As the numbers increase the situation will be correspondingly altered, either because (like the trade unions) we shall be better able to resist, and at some stage socialists will be elected to Parliament.Our propaganda should always stress that Socialism and democracy are inseparable; that there is no way to Socialism except through the democratic action of a Socialist majority; and that it must proceed through democratically gaining control of the machinery of government, including the armed forces.In countries where the "parliamentary system" does not yet exist, or where it is curtailed or suspended, socialists can only use whatever restricted opportunities there are to propagate Socialism and its inseparable link with democratic methods. They should do this independently and in no circumstances confuse the issue by associating with non-socialists.This paper was originally published as a "STATEMENT ON DEMOCRACY" by Camden Branch on 15th December 1977 for the 1978 annual conference with a supplementary reply to its critics in July, 1978. A few changes in presentation have been made for publication in SOCIALIST STUDIES and on our web site).The first photo looks like a red banner, except I think it's something to do with construction company who put the scaffolding up.
